Dear Petitioner:

The CMACFAR | iCitizen Congress organizational agenda is to litigate the U.S. Constitution before the United States Supreme Court on the basis of “constitutional obstruction,” where articles, amendments, provisions, and clauses prohibit the fundamental rights and obligations of the government to ensure “life, liberty, and property” to all people, persons, and citizens of the United States, and the high court’s declaration to find the U.S. Constitution unconstitutional.

As an Afromerican of the United States, Amendment IX gives the right to all citizens under the Bill of Rights and Amendment XIV the right to challenge law and policy as a “people, person, and citizen” governed by laws, rules, and regulations that enumerate said rights of immunities and privileges, which ensure due process and equal protection of “life, liberty, and property” under the law, without penalties and sanctions by the states and federal government.

FEDERAL

The Article I, Sec. 9, Cl. 1 and Article V forbade the Constitution and prohibited the Congress, Executive, and Judicial Branch of government.

Unconstitutional Key Points and Explanations:

“Domestic Institutions”—Slavery in America was made legal under Article I, Sec. 9, Cl. 1, 4, and Article V; moreover, it should have been deemed unconstitutional according to Article I, Sec. 9, Cl. 3, 8 and Sec. 10 of the same Article. Therefore, providing absolute congressional authority under Article I, Sec. 8, Cl. 18: “To make all laws… necessary and proper…”

The U.S. Constitution prohibited the Judicial Branch of government from applying the Supreme Court’s decision in Marbury v. Madison to declare “domestic institutions” unconstitutional (allowing courts to apply judicial review to determine the constitutionality of law) under Article V.

The U.S. Constitution prohibited Congress, Executive, and Judicial Branches of government from exercising their enumerated constitutional duties, powers, and obligations under Article I, Sec. 9, Cl. 1 and Article V.

Due to the constitutionality of “domestic institutions,” the U.S. Constitution has allowed such institutions to continue operating in the production, distribution, and sale of a new classification of “domestic institutions”—“Human trafficking” in America under constitutional law, provisions, and clauses according to Article I, Sec. 9, Cls. 1, 4.

Under the Bill of Rights, Amendment V: “Property” has yet to be reclassified not as a title of “human ownership,” and that people are not for sale by the government, states, or its citizens; that things owned do not have a constitutional right to “life, liberty, and property;” and that people cannot be property, purchased, or sold.

Due to this—human trafficking, animal abuse and cruelty, and the exploitation of both people and animals—will continue to be an industry standard of sex and drug exploitation of human bodies for the sole purpose of selling, distributing, manufacturing (grooming), and transporting persons to control, profit, and empower trans-criminal organizations and individual leaderships governing and regulating property ownership.

The CMACFAR | iCitizen Congress objective: to require the United States Supreme Court to advise and strongly recommend, by advocating for the American people, the U.S. Constitution, and congressional adherents, to follow the prescribed functions, procedures, and practices under Article V in the scheduling of a constitutional convention for the amending and ratification of law; to define “People, Person, and Citizen” in terms of congressional representation and federal/state representation of individual “people and citizens” under the Amendment XIV, Section 2; to define, revise, amend, and ratify the constitutional language regarding “people, property, and land” under the Amendments V and XIV, Sections 1 and 4, concerning rights and ownerships; and to clarify what constitutes a “title of nobility” under Article I, Section 9, Clause 8 and Section 10 of the same article, and its applications of “…present, Emolument, Office, or Title…” to people, property, and land—by deferring to how the American people describe a noun: a person, place, or thing. That people are not owned by people, but governed by a set of laws and ruled by principles that protect and ensure American citizens’ rights and freedoms of ownership—not the person, a thing, or place to be owned.

STATES

Due to congressional inaction of both federal and state governments to require state representatives and senators to schedule state constitutional conventions for the amending and ratification of state laws, and to protest federal laws and policies that disallow states through “constitutional obstruction,” which interfere in state governance and practices to be unconstitutional.

This deferred action of procedural processes and procedures has allowed states to bypass their lawful adherence to constitutional laws due to a lack of congressional oversight, legislative oversight, judicial review, and the bicameral system of checks and balances.

Examples:

Due to ambiguous constitutional language and conflicting provisions and clauses, it is difficult for both congressional members and American citizens to determine the responsibility of all three branches of government and accountability of both the United States government and American citizens to each other.

Federal - State - Local Government

Conflicting Interpretations of Implied Language:

In furtherance of misinterpretations of express and implied language, Article VI, Cl. 1 and Amendment XIV, Sec. 4: the Congress, Executive, and Judicial Branch of government, in addition to the fourth estate and citizens of the United States, cannot decide whether the government is accountable for “all debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this Constitution…” or accept that “…neither the United States nor any state shall assume or pay any debt or obligation…” As long as these provisions remain ambiguous, it will never make people “whole persons” under the Constitution.

Therefore, we will never accept responsibility for any previous government’s administration of laws and policies that disenfranchise people, communities, and cultures; moreover, it allows each state and its local governments to “pick and choose” between various provisions and clauses such as Article VI, Cl. 1 and Amendment XIV, Sec. 4 when writing, proposing, and voting on legislation that continues to omit “…any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void.”

In closing, I believe that because of these two articles and amendments—Article VI, Sec. 1 and Amendment XIV, Secs. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5—are the reasons “We the People” are unable to pass bipartisan legislation to establish continuity of law, policy, and judicial enforcement between federal, state, and local governments, to be held responsible or independently accountable as a singular branch of government.

For example, if one government within the same state chooses to elect Article VI, Cl. 1 and the others choose to follow Amendment XIV, Sec. 4, essentially both governments are responsible for adhering to constitutional law and principles; moreover, neither government can be held accountable for following or policing the same laws while selecting different articles, amendments, clauses, and provisions to support their respective state laws, regulations, and procedures for crimes, penalties, and sanctions for the same and similar offenses per state, county, and city.

Our CMACFAR | iCitizen Congress organization proposes a U.S. Constitution that holds the American people, legislators, and officials accountable to the continuity of law and policy and the continuity of penalties and sanctions under Article IV, Sec. 1; per state, “people, person, and citizen.”

American citizens, businesses, nonprofit groups, criminal organizations, and gangs defer to the United States Constitution when structuring their own government, setting policies, defining rules of engagement and operations that assign tasks and duties; delegating powers that regulate internal elections; counting ballots; holding trials for the impeachment, conviction, and execution of gang members; designating people, persons, and citizens; appointing members and leaders; and other transcriminal representatives to enforce “criminal justice,” impose penalties, and sanction other fellow members, affiliated groups, gangs, and organizations, too.

For example, "The Fugitive Slave Law" under Article IV, Sec. 2, Cls. 2–3 states: "...under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due."

The aforementioned provision is intended to deter victims from escaping their enslavers and captors (predators) through the process of “rewards for recaptures,” punishing victims with violence and rewarding predators with their “property,” monies, bonuses, and reparations for lost “property”—neither returned, reclaimed, nor recovered.

Long standing crime is due to congressional deference of law, policy, and enforcement, which contributes to inconsistent, incohesive, and ineffective laws and policies. Moreover, transcriminals are sustaining their criminality by knowing the laws, making risk assessments based upon the lack of continuity of laws, rules, and regulations, and gambling consequences against high levels of corruption in the government, judicial, and penal systems for crimes, actions, and behaviors. Nonetheless, this continues to sustain gang violence and permits other transcriminal groups and organizations to rely upon policy loopholes and enforcement mechanisms to protect people, government officials, and legislators from deregulating crime.

Especially when it is the law standing in its own way of bureaucratic hurdles, red tape, jurisdictional concerns, law enforcement agencies who work concurrently to falsify evidence, suppression of paperwork, documents, and disclosures, to payoffs and bribes, and higher-ups who sign off authorizations to process criminals, issue warrants for arrest, to charge, detain, and convict non-law-abiding individuals for crimes made under lawful conditions, has to be changed.

*The biggest challenge to amending laws and stopping crime is the law itself.

Most of our American people, businesses, and trans-criminal organizations are not elected officials, representatives, or leaders and have no allegiance to “…preserve, protect and defend the United States Constitution of America” under Article II, Sec. 1, Cl. 8; therefore, the U.S. Constitution itself cannot be applied to sanction criminals as an organization or group like it can for those who are sworn under oath to uphold the Constitution.

Allowing states the power to address penalties and sanctions against people is not enough. We need the “full faith and credit…” of the U.S. government, too, under Article IV, Sec. 1.

Quote:

Congressional members, representatives and senators are sworn to "preserve, protect and defend" whereas non-elected political leaders, committee members and officials of the iCitizen Congress are sworn under the "citizen rights" amendments to "litigate, prosecute and convict" the United States Constitution of America.

—Dwayne Arthur Jones